Staatsarchiv Marburg, Best. 340 Grimm Nr. Z 37
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The ÜSTation
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culture. Men have come to regard them as inte
gral parts of their well-being.”
Having but a limited space at his command,
and many really important questions concerning
the master to discuss, one can hardly understand
why Grimm has thought it worth while to de
vote no less than forty pages to the worn-out
question as to the real subject of the “ School of
Athens.” The theories of Vasari and Giorgio
Mantovano, and the modern suggestion, which
has found little favor in the eyes of competent
critics, that it is “ St. Paul preaching at Athens ”
—a suggestion which, as it seems to us, our author
treats with more respect than it deserves—would
appear to be completely controverted by the fact
that Raphael adopted and always adhered to
certain types in representing the Apostles, as
well as by the certainty that had he intended to
represent St. Paul as preaching at Athens he
would have placed him on the Hill of Mars and
not in a Roman temple. Finally, the painter
would not have symbolized the fresco in a me
dallion figure of Philosophy had his subject been
taken from the Acts of the Apostles.
In conclusion, we may mention two points on
which Grimm’s statements are controvertible—
viz.: one concerning the weaving of the tapes
tries, which he says was accomplished at Arras;
the other relating to the painting of the “ Trans
figuration,” which he believes to have been fin
ished by Raphael. In the second edition of his
4 Life of Raphael, 1 p. 478, M. Miintz quotes M.
Pinchard’s 4 Histoire g4n4rale de la Tapisserie,’ to
show that the manufacture of tapestries in the
upright frame at Arras ceased in 1477—i. e., be
tween thirty and forty years before the Cartoons
were executed—and on p. 479 cites a legal act of
the 14th June, 1532, which proves that the tapes
tries were woven from them by Pierre Van
Aelst, the chief tapestry weaver at Brussels
during the first third of the sixteenth century.
Concerning the completion of the 44 Transfigu
ration ” by Giulio Romano after Raphael’s death,
the evidence seems no less conclusive. Two years
after it occurred, Count Castiglione wrote to the
Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, who had commissioned
■Raphael to paint the picture, at the price of 655
gold ducats, for a church at Narbonne, asking
him to pay Giulio a certain sum (224 gold ducats)
for his work upon the “Transfiguration.” As
Penni, who was employed with Giulio to finish
the pictures left incomplete by Raphael, is not
mentioned in the Count’s letter, it is fan- to con
clude that he had no hand in the work, but it
seems no less clear that it was done b i Giulio.
Handbuch der Verfassung und Verwaltung in
Preussen und dem deutsehcn Reiche. [Hand
book of the Constitution and Administration in
Prussia and the German Empire.] Von Graf
Hue 'de Grais, 5te Auflage. Berlin: Julius
Springer. 1886.
Since its first appearance iu 1881, this work has
been revised and reissued yearly, and has earned
the well-deserved reputation of being the best, in
fact the only adequate, exposition of the Prussian
and German Governments which exists in a com
paratively condensed form. The bulk of the
book is devoted to Prussian matters, not only be
cause Prussia occupies the more important field
in the author’s view, but doubtless also because
so many of the laws and regulations of the Em
pire are but copies of Prussian models. The
work is, as its name implies, merely a description
of constitutional and administrative provisions
of the Empire and monarchy, and contains very
little historical matter, almost nothing that can
be called theorizing, and but few criticisms of
existing conditions. With German formality it
is divided into chapters, headings, and numbered
paragraphs, and is written in an involved style
which is concise, but not always clear on first
reading. It is necessarily only a sketch, and of
ten gives but the barest outline where one would
gladly pursue the matter further. The book is
supplied with abundant notes, which, however,
for the most part refer to works rarely accessible
to the American reader.
When one considers how young the Empire
still is and of what various elements composed,
he will naturally be struck, in reading this work,
with the rapidity with which comparative uni
fication has been brought about. The reason
therefor the author himself gives (p. 13), basing
it on the thorough practicalness of the imperial
legislation. This has one drawback, especially
to the German mind, in that it lacks system. That
will doubtless come later. In the meantime, the
several members are learning that their best in
terests are closely bound up with those of the Em
pire ; and though no constitutional change can be
made in the internal regulation of any State, or
in its relation to the Empire,without its own con
sent, each year brings some further success of
the imperial Government in this direction.
In the minds of many Americans it is not clear
whether there exist one or two legislative cham
bers for the Empire. This is doubtless owing to
the fact that not only does the Bundesrath pre
pare bills for the consideration of the Reichstag,
but its consent is also necessary for the confirma
tion of those originating in the latter body. Its
functions are, however, rather executive than
legislative, and its power over administrative
affairs very considerable. Its members do not
vote according to their individual convictions,
but in accordance with instructions from the
Governments of their respective States. As any
constitutional measure can be defeated by four
teen opposing votes, Prussia, having seventeen
votes, has the power to dictate at least what
shall not be done when any important change is
proposed. The members of the Bundesrath can
not be members of the Reichstag; but they have
the right of attending the sittings of the latter,
and, on demand, can at any time have the floor.
The same holds true of the Prussian Ministers in
the House of Representatives (Abgeordneten-
haus) of the Landtag. Here are precedents
worth considering in the much-discussed ques
tion whether our Cabinet officers should be heard
in Congress. The Reichstag is the legislative
body of the Empire; and its members are elected
by universal suffrage and direct vote, which is
very different from the elaborate Prussian sys
tem of indirect vote based upon the comparative
amount of tax paid by the respective citizens.
In reference to Prussia’s greatness, our author
calls attention to two important facts in that
nation’s history, viz., (1) that its rapid gain of
power in foreign relations and its internal de
velopment 44 have been essentially the work of its
princes” (p. 31); and (2) 44 that it was essentially
the absolute form of the Government (Staats-
form) which we have to thank for our magnifi
cent development in the last century ” (p. 32).
The two truths are so closely interwoven that
they are practically one; for with all their ability
the Hohenzollerns would have been unable to
build up the Prussia of to-day by any other
method than compulsion, as German individu
ality tends naturally to the formation of small
communities. With the modern advance of
democratic ideas it would be practically impos
sible to reestablish absolute government in
Prussia. That country is still, however, far
from adopting the opposite extreme of universal
suffrage. The system of electing members of the
Landtag is too complicated to be explained in a
few words. It must suffice here to say that the
voters are divided into three classes based on the
census returns of property; so that wealth gives
power. At the same time the principle is ap
plied, which we Americans are slow to learn,
viz., that responsibility should ever accompany
power. In this respect the Germans criticise our
politics severely, in that we have no method of
inducing or compelling our best men to assume
the cares of government, especially of those
seemingly petty, but, in the end, weighty matters
of local administration. A wealthy Prussian
may have a dozen votes in his district; but in re
turn he must assume the frequently annoying
duties of magistracy, and not only serve with
out pay, but be answerable in the regular courts
for the slightest overstepping of the strictly de
fined bounds of his jurisdiction. Furthermore,
if he declines to accept the office, his taxes, al
ready heavy, will be increased one-eighth or one-
fourth; or he may adopt au alternative which
seems still less attractive, i. e., appoint a substi
tute, whom not only he will have to pay out of
his own purse, but for whose every act he remains
answerable in the courts.
The administrative system of Prussia is exceed
ingly complicated, and, for a foreigner, not al
ways easy of comprehension. The book before
us explains it, so far as the author’s prescribed
limits allow. A knowledge of the details, how
ever, is not necessary for the understanding of a
few great principles which lie at the bottom of
it, and which are in all probability the secret of
its success. In the first place, almost all offices
are held practically for life. No slight failure in
performance of duty, not even an arbitrary abuse
of power, unless it be a great enormity, is con
sidered cause of dismissal. The delinquent may
be reprimanded, fined, suspended ; but expulsion
from the service is so weighty a matter that the
unhappy man must either die or emigrate. There
remains for him in Prussia no place of public or
private trust. A man can therefore make choice
of a Government career, and spend years in fit
ting himself for it, in the certainty that, once ac
cepted in the service, he is practically sure of a
comfortable berth for life. The Government not
only requires, by rigid examinations, that appli
cants for office be well fitted for the positions
they wish to fill, but it provides institutions of
learning with courses specially adapted to the
various careers open to a man desiring to enter
the Government; employ.
Not only are the positions life-long, but the
system of pensioning old or disabled officials, or
the families of deceased ones, is very complete.
The sums thus given seem to an American some
times ridiculously small. The salaries themselves
are very moderate. But Germans, as a rule, are
not accustomed to the luxury of American life ;
and the certainty of a small sum, with compara
tively light work, possesses great attraction for
them. But this official life possesses still other
advantages. Not only does position give a cor
responding place in society, but the families of
officials in the same department form social cir
cles among themselves. Furthermore, in addi
tion to their salaries, the higher officials receive
a fixed sum yearly for entertaining their subor
dinates, and these entertainments are given in
handsome Government apartments provided ex
pressly for this purpose. To these considerations
add further the system of conferring orders and
honors, from the Black Eagle down, for efficient
service. Last, but not least, there is held out the
hope of perpetuating one’s name in marble,
bronze, or other material; if not in the form of
a great statue in an open square, or a niche in
the Hall of Fame, still in a panel in a public
building or a portrait in a museum or picture
gallery, there to abide for centuries to be seen
and remarked of men.
As a whole, and in spite of obvious disadvan
tages, the service is so effective, and the protec
tion of the citizens against abuse of power so
complete, that the system deserves thorough